His supporters say he is the best hope for Sudan's transition, but his detractors say General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo is a killer
Credit: Reuters
His Khartoum mansions are a long way from the dusty borderlands of Darfur where Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo got his start as a camel trader before the fortunes of war propelled him to the heights of power in Sudan.
Once a henchman to former president Omar Al Bashir, Mr Hamdan pivoted to become the first high-ranking official to support the nationwide protest movement that ended the dictator’s thee-decade rule last April (though he has retained the nickname “Hemedti” or “my protector” that Mr Bashir reputedly bestowed upon him).
A youthful-looking 45-year-old, Hemedti has accumulated vast wealth as the head of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) — a paramilitary group accused of atrocities in Darfur and elsewhere — and is now regarded as perhaps the most powerful man in Sudan’s transitional government.
Today as the vice-chairman of Sudan’s sovereign council he is keen to shake-off his warlord image, rebranding himself as the defender of the Sudanese people and a crucial third pole in a rickety power-sharing arrangement between the country’s military and civilian leaders.
His days and nights are spent hosting endless visitors and supplicants — ranging from Chinese diplomats to tribal elders — as he seeks the relationships necessary to build his legitimacy.
His supporters argue he is the best hope of defending Sudan’s fragile transition from military takeover and counter-revolution. His detractors say he remains a killer. The question facing more pragmatic Sudanese is to what extent they should overlook historical grievances in order to secure a better future.
Sudan uprising, in pictures
“The most important thing right now is how we can all work together,” Hemedti tells the Telegraph.
“My support for this revolution came from my desire to help the Sudanese people when they took to the streets demanding justice, calling for this revolution, calling for peace,” he says, donning spectacles to read from prepared remarks.
But his bloody past may yet prove an impediment to peace.
Hailing from the camel-herding Rizeigat tribe, Hemedti was a commander in the Janjaweed militias during the war in Darfur, fighting on behalf of Mr Bashir against rebels angered by the marginalisation of non-Arab communities. In 2008, the UN estimated 300,00 people were killed in Darfur, though the killing has continued. Millions were displaced amid widespread terror tactics.
The charismatic warlord’s power grew so great that Mr Bashir eventually rebranded his militia the RSF and lavished funding on it in the hopes of balancing the power of the army and intelligence forces.
Amnesty International accused the RSF of crimes against humanity, while Human Rights Watch dubbed them “men with no mercy”.
But the RSF is also a leading employer in impoverished regions like Darfur, and the largely unschooled Hemedti has grown enormously rich dispatching his men to fight in Yemen, and through interests in gold mining and other businesses.
He has since used that wealth to make himself an inescapable part of Sudan’s post-Bashir equation. In the economic crisis that followed the overthrow of Mr Bashir, Hemedti claimed the RSF had deposited over $1 billion to help stabilise the central bank.
The head of Sudan's Rapid Support Forces Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, also known as Hemedti
Credit: Campbell MacDiarmid
Embarking on a public relations campaign, he has conducted rallies and tasked his forces with good works ranging from flood relief to building schools. “RSF is not just for fighting. It has a big role,” he says. “It will always support the poor people.”
He also shows a canny understanding of issues of importance to the global community. “Combating illegal migration leads to combating terrorism,” reads a recent RSF report highlighting its role in stopping human trafficking from Africa to Europe.
In April, Hemedti secured the approval of the civilian coalition in government to head an emergency economic committee by pledging a further $200 million to the central bank. But he concedes his ability to fix the economy is limited. “I don’t have a Moses stick to solve all of Sudan’s problems,” he says, referring to the staff with which the biblical leader of the Israelites produced water from a rock.
He also headed the government delegation that last month negotiated a peace agreement with rebels from Darfur Blue Nile and Kordofan. Some former enemies say they now respect him as someone who understands marginalisation and is not from the central Nile riparian elite who have traditionally ruled Sudan.
“Hemedti is from Darfur and he is ready to support the people, he is making a real effort,” said Bushara Suleimen, a senior member of the Justice and Equality Movement, a rebel group that has agreed to the peace deal. “He was an enemy but now he’s not.”
Hemedti himself says righting past wrongs is critical if Sudan is to achieve peace. “We acknowledged the injustice that led to conflict. This is critical. This is why people took up arms.”
Not all rebels have been won over though. The Sudan People’s Liberation Movement-North under the leadership of Abdelaziz El Hilu opposed Hemedti’s role in peace negotiations, accusing the RSF of “heinous crimes” against civilians. Abdelwahid al-Nur’s faction of the Sudan Liberation Movement also opposes his continued presence in government.
On the streets of Khartoum, Hemedti is also viewed with ambivalence. “He’s a killer,” says one Sudanese journalist.
“No one can talk honestly about him, he’s a big problem” says Aljail Mohamed, a 21-year-old student who supported the protests to remove Mr Bashir.
But even his detractors acknowledge he could be the only thing preventing a military takeover.
Hemedti apparently enjoys a close relationship with Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok but denies reports of rivalry between him and the head of the military General Abdel Fatteh al-Burhan.
“This fragility, this weird balance may be the strength of this transition,” says Samahir ElMubarak, a prominent figure in the Sudanese Professionals Association, a leading civilian group in the transitional government.
In this context, Hemedti may be an imperfect but necessary balance, she says. “So far he seems to be doing everything to portray himself as working for the transition, but the fear and apprehension is there.”
Already there have been worrying signs. Over 100 people were killed last June when a sit-in in Khartoum was cleared by gunmen witnesses identified as belonging to the RSF.
Hemedti questioned this though, and called for an investigation, which more than a year on is yet to produce answers. “We are wondering about this investigation and waiting for answers ourselves,” he says.
Despite the accusations against his forces, Hemedti remains an integral figure in Sudan’s transition. “You cannot eliminate at this stage who is there [in power] but you can work on defining who should do what according to what you want Sudan to be in the future,” says Ms ElMubarak.
And while Hemedti remains interested in international legitimacy, he is likely amenable to pressure to commit to democracy and civilian government. Or so the argument goes.
“He’s pretty laser focussed on rehabbing his reputation, he’s been putting his money where his mouth is on this [transition],” says Jonas Horner, senior Sudan analyst for the International Crisis Group.
“He understands the longer-term game well and that involves being on the side of the people,” Mr Horner continues. “He understands what voting means, what democracy means. I don’t think he wants to take over in a strongman way, I think he’d want to do it through elections.”
While it seems unlikely Hemedti would win a popular vote today, elections are not due for three years. In the meantime, the transitional government will need to save the tanking economy and improve people’s lives if they’re to see off the threat of military coup or counter-revolution.
“The biggest threat to this transitional period is the economic situation,” Hemedti says.
Hemedti says he can help, though even he is aware his future is far from certain. “Where will I be in five years’ time? I swear if I’m still alive I’ll be in Sudan.”
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