This article is the third in our three-part series, The Future of Hong Kong, looking at how much has changed since the first protests against Beijing’s extradition bill two years ago.
At 10am every morning, Simon Cheng opens his laptop and gets to work keeping the alarming decline of liberties in Hong Kong in the spotlight.
But rather than working with his fellow protesters in Hong Kong, he operates from a kitchen table in London, and his activism is fuelled by cups of Fortnum & Mason tea.
Mr Cheng, a former employee of the British Consulate in Hong Kong who was allegedly tortured at the hands of Chinese secret police, fled to the UK and was granted asylum last June.
Since then, he has devoted himself to advocacy and activism 6,000 miles away from home, organising resources for Hong Kong people resettling in the UK as the Chinese Communist Party exerts more control over the city.
“I need to spend my life doing this; otherwise, we will never have a chance to return to our hometown,” Mr Cheng said, a sentiment many Hong Kong people living in exile share.
“We hope that someday we can go back to our hometown, with democracy and freedom.”
Simon Cheng, a former British Consulate employee, was detained and tortured
Credit: REUTERS/Hannah McKay
Political turmoil has erupted periodically in Hong Kong ever since the territory was returned from British to Beijing rule in 1997. Marches and rallies, largely peaceful, were organised to protest China’s squeezing of liberties meant to be guaranteed by the Sino-British Joint Declaration.
In March 2019 a string of mass protests kicked off over a proposal that would have allowed suspects to be sent from Hong Kong to mainland China to face trial, plunging the city into chaos for months as pro-democracy protesters demanded reforms.
But demonstrations came to a halt after Beijing imposed a sweeping national security law on Hong Kong last summer, criminalising behaviour authorities deemed as secession, subversion, terrorism or foreign collusion, punishable by life imprisonment.
Protesters and policymakers, targeted by police raids and arrests, started to mute themselves, afraid of breaking the new law. The coronavirus pandemic and social distancing regulations have further dampened their abilities to organise rallies.
People began leaving Hong Kong, with thousands moving to the UK, over worries that freedoms would continue to shrink. Last autumn, Chinese authorities ousted a group of the city’s elected opposition lawmakers; those remaining resigned in protest.
The British government estimates 300,000 people will relocate from the territory to the UK over the next five years under a visa route that opened for British National Overseas (BNO) passport holders in January.
Hong Kong — Population — Distance
China regularly blasts the UK for its “colonial mentality” and “meddling” in domestic affairs, especially when the Government denounces Beijing for its actions in Hong Kong.
Now, on British soil, a handful of Hong Kongers are again finding their voices. There is no organised top-down move to campaign and lobby, but rather a patchwork effort as individuals focus on different areas.
In that way, Hong Kong’s pro-democracy movement – one that always had multiple leaders galvanising the public – has managed to keep its spirit alive.
Mr Cheng, as just one part of the patchwork, is working to set up a shadow parliament to keep the flame of democracy alive for Hong Kong. The idea has been open for public consultation, and he’s now mulling how best “to allow people in Hong Kong to execute democracy together.”
His vision is to organise a non-official civic group to represent the interests of Hong Kong people by leveraging those overseas, who can speak more freely without the same fear of persecution.
To start, he’s addressing the issue of cybersecurity, to find a safe way for people in Hong Kong to participate safely, while preventing votes and discussions from being hijacked by hackers or spies.
He’s working with volunteers to identify candidates to support for elected office, to put in place people who understand the plight of the Hong Kong community in Britain, and are interested in impacting UK-China policy.
Activist Nathan Law – elected in 2016 aged 23, becoming Hong Kong’s youngest lawmaker ever before being disqualified – has also thrown himself into advocacy work from the UK after arriving last summer.
He’s focused on connecting with the US and UK governments, speaking with people including Home Secretary Priti Patel and Mike Pompeo, former US secretary of state.
Protesters throng in Hong Kong, June 2019, demanding the leaders step down and the extradition bill is withdrawn
Credit: REUTERS/Tyrone Siu/File Photo
He wants the public and policymakers to see China in an appropriate context. His aim is for “people, when they think of China, will think of the struggle in Hong Kong, of Xinjiang concentration camps, instead of business opportunities,” he says.
Over time, he hopes governments will put human rights “front and centre in their China policy, their foreign policy,” said Mr Law, now waiting for a decision on his asylum application in the UK.
Former Hong Kong politician Ted Hui, also in exile in the UK, is lobbying parliamentarians and government officials to ease reliance on China. His current focus is the EU, as the bloc considers ratifying an investment deal with China.
This means scheduling events or meetings at odd hours, as the pandemic has disrupted overseas travel. “I remember testifying in a Canadian parliament session at midnight,” he said. “But it’s fine, these things are more important than my sleep.”
Mr Hui is also soliciting support from politicians and lawyers all over the world to go up against HSBC after the bank froze his accounts as ordered by Hong Kong police. He maintains that such police requests to block the accounts of activists should be reviewed and questioned.
Ted Hui, centre, argues with pro-Beijing lawmaker Junius Ho, left, during a demonstration in 2019
Credit: AP Photo/Kin Cheung, File
For now, the UK government and public appear receptive to the issues raised by activists.
“To bring Hong Kong back into the limelight, into media coverage, and therefore, public awareness – the Hong Kong exiles are useful in playing a role in that respect,” said Steve Tsang, director of the China Institute at SOAS University of London. “We also have to be very careful. That kind of support can also easily be turned if the immigration from Hong Kong is badly handled.”
One group, Hong Kong Assistance and Resettlement Community, is trying to address the issue of resettling Hong Kong people who move to Britain, arranging temporary accommodation or referring them to medical and legal specialists.
The “overarching goal is to provide them with a safe harbour to regroup their lives, and to reorganise and head out elsewhere, or stay in the UK,” said Fred Wong, a representative of the group. “We can hopefully integrate them into UK society, or to help them find a job or education.”
Mr Cheng is similarly working to support Hong Kong people fleeing to the UK, helping people apply for asylum and tracking the progress of their applications. He plans to schedule webinars to help people understand their options – for instance, how the BNO scheme works, advice on where to live, and relocation assistance upon arrival, such as opening bank accounts and obtaining National Insurance numbers.
When the pandemic subsides, he hopes to run a centre that offers language classes, counselling, and other resources – a place for Hong Kong people in Britain, and those interested in the movement, to gather.
It remains to be seen how sustainable and effective Hong Kong activists’ efforts will be in the long run. Many of the people involved in the expatriate protest scene never set out to be activists in the first place, and have instead been thrust into these roles.
“Being involved in activism 100 per cent, while in exile… a Hong Kong activist has never walked that path so far,” said Mr Law.
However, one of the biggest challenges of leaving Hong Kong behind is also what keeps them going.
“If you leave Hong Kong now, you are not able to go back,” said Mr Tsang. “The fact that you are overseas and criticising the government in Hong Kong and the Chinese government would have met the national security law’s definition of collusion with foreign powers.”
Some, like Mr Cheng, have also chosen to cut ties with family and friends remaining in Hong Kong over fear that links to them lead to harassment, or worse, by the Chinese state.
Doing so has been devastating for people like Mr Cheng. It also means that activists feel they must affect enough change in Hong Kong to allow them to someday again visit relatives with less risk.
To keep his spirits up, Mr Cheng sometimes wears a beanie, even indoors, with the Union Jack flag and “London” scrawled across the brim, which he bought outside Victoria Station.
“It makes me feel I am really part of this lovely place,” he said. “I feel freedom, democracy, respect and a sense of belonging.”
He’s gradually adjusting to life in the UK – he’s starting to like HP sauce, scarfing down more traditional English breakfasts, and speaking now with an ever-more-British accent.
Still, nothing will quite replace Hong Kong.
“Sometimes, I will watch YouTube videos showing the streets and views of Hong Kong, and I will imagine [myself] over there,” he said.
Read part one in the series here, and part two here
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