First there was a reshuffle, as a result of which Suella Braverman was expelled from the Home Office, and Lord Cameron of Chipping Norton was appointed Foreign Secretary — both causing mixed feelings among Conservatives nearing the end of their powers.
Then the Supreme Court ruled against the government's plan for Rwanda, not only ending Rishi Sunak's «stop the boats» promise, but also overshadowing more positive ones news that inflation has halved.
Concluding with the publication of Ms Braverman's scathing departure letter, in which the former home secretary accused the prime minister of «magical thinking» and «breaking his promises» on immigration, it's fair to say Mr Sunak has had better weeks than in the last seven days.
However, his decision to reset the needle with a surprise speech on Monday morning — just two days before the chancellor is due to make his long-awaited autumn statement to the Commons — raised no small eyebrows. when he used it to come up with… another five-point plan.
Having already promised to halve inflation, grow the economy, reduce debt, cut queues and stop boats, the Prime Minister took the podium at the Enfield Center in north London to add «five long-term solutions» — reducing debt, cutting taxes and rewarding hard work, creating sustainable domestic energy, supporting British businesses and providing world-class education.
Viewers could perhaps be forgiven for wondering how he was ever going to achieve his final goals when only one of the first five goals — cutting inflation by half — has so far been achieved (and there is even debate about this).
< p>Echoing his speech at last month's Tory party conference, when he optimistically referred to «long-term» decision-making no fewer than 16 times, the gist of his cheerful speech was clear: stay tuned, because life will be worse under Labour. .
However, as with David Cameron's return to the Cabinet, this move, made at the last minute (the media had only 24 hours notice of the speech), carried with it the oxymoronic smell of being innovative at the same time and despair.
Apparently Mr Sunak had originally intended to give a speech last week, but events overtook him. But it appears that events may also have overtaken what was originally planned for the Autumn Statement. It was expected that the chancellor would delay any significant tax cuts until next spring's budget, when the county is closer to the election.
But after a weekend in which Jeremy Hunt expressed his desire to cut taxes, a new online poster campaign promising to 'cut taxes and reward hard work' and the sudden emergence of £25bn of extra 'fiscal reserves', the government appears finally to have decided to give it a try win the next general election rather than face defeat as in 1997.
As well as fighting with Labor to ensure there is «clear blue water» between the two parties, Mr Sunak has been «chattering» behind the scenes » desperately trying to win the support of beleaguered MPs.
He did it. a rare appearance at the House of Commons tea room after Prime Minister's Questions on Wednesday, and he invited a group of right-wingers for drinks in Downing Street this week.
It follows an unknown number of MPs, including Dame Andrea Jenkins. , a former culture secretary, submitted letters of no confidence to Sir Graham Brady, the chairman of the 1922 committee.
Lord Cameron addressed the committee on Monday evening, apparently being advised by Number 10 to «tone down the centre-left rhetoric» in a bid to win over side with skeptical Leave supporters still dissatisfied with the resurgence of the arch-Remainers after seven years in the political wilderness.
According to one MP: “The threat to Rishi comes not only from the right: anyone who has a seat that he wants to keep , very dissatisfied with the direction of travel. There are more letters than people think. The prevailing view among these MPs, some of whom were recruited in 2019, is that we have nothing to lose. How much worse can it get?”
More experienced Tories appear to have had to warn so-called «Red Wallers» about the risks of triggering a vote of no confidence without reaching agreement on a potential successor. «They don't seem to understand that if the vote goes without a credible alternative, Rishi will win but suffer even more damage,» said one.
However, suggestions that the right is intensifying around the recently released Ms. Braverman appear to be misguided. As one Brexiteer explained: “Suella had a hard time as chair of the European Research Group; IDS and others had to help a lot, so I'm not sure she'll be the next leader. She did not intend to unite the party.
“But her letter resonated with those who agreed with her criticism of the policies and personality of the prime minister.”
Some on the right are talking about «good performer» Penny Mordaunt, while others are suspicious of Kemi Badenoch because of her historical links to Michael Gove. The Business and Trade Secretary also angered Brexiteers with what she called a “180-degree U-turn” on the retained EU bill.
“There is a growing feeling that the penny has finally dropped in the tenth of what is a desperate mess. in which we find ourselves. That's why we suddenly have all this talk about cutting taxes. They seem to have realized what we've been telling them for months: We're going to lose, and we're going to lose badly if we don't change course,” one of them said.
Others are less optimistic. As a well-placed Conservative source put it: “Rishi has restored stability and order—but stability and order in the graveyard. If all you can do is maintain a 20-point gap, then every day goes by it will look more like 1997.
“The problem is not just that Sunak is perceived as too wet . technocratic and lacking charisma — the fact is that on the political front he misses every open goal set before him. OK, he has softened net zero, which is deeply unpopular with Tory voters, particularly in the Midlands and North, but he is unlikely to have a song and dance about it.
“The Tories went to Manchester to tell the they could not have a railway. Number 10 is a walking political disaster zone. If the strategy now is to open up a division with Labor then that's good, but it may all be too little, too late.»
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