This, of course, was not planned, but it turned out pretty neat. When Rishi Sunak became Britain's first Indian-origin prime minister last year, it coincided with celebrations of the 75th anniversary of India's independence from British rule. The Times of India headline read: “From the Age of Empire to the Rishi Raj.”
At the time, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi hailed a «living bridge» of British Indians that would help «transform our historic ties into a historic partnership.» Will the two Hindu heads of government be able to deepen this partnership this weekend at the G20?
Narendra Modi holds bilateral meeting with Rishi Sunak during the G20 leaders' summit in New Delhi Photo: Dan Kitwood/Getty Images
At first glance, now is hardly the right time to begin a new era in Anglo-Indian relations. But the fact that exchanges and dialogue between the two countries are still constantly linked to the colonial past is a reminder that the path to closer ties is unlikely to be easy.
The two countries are already very close. British Indians are the largest ethnic minority in the UK, with two million homes linked to India and one million trips between the two countries each year. King Charles has visited India 10 times, is a fan of yoga and Ayurveda and invited dabbawalas to his second wedding.
India's economy is the world's fifth largest and is almost certain to become the third largest by the end of the decade. The growing middle class has a taste for Western goods and could become an important market for British firms. Both countries have world-class service sector operators that could become the driving force of the knowledge economy in the coming decades. There are already strong business ties between the UK and India, as evidenced by Tata's recently announced plans to build a £4 billion electric vehicle battery plant in Somerset.
Boris Johnson's somewhat amorphous aspirations for a post-Brexit «global Britain» have been transformed by Mr Sunak into a more focused «Indo-Pacific bias». Britain hopes to improve relations and boost trade with a region of the world that is already home to half of humanity and is expected to become a major driver of global economic growth for the foreseeable future. India alone is projected to contribute more to global economic growth this year than the entire Western Hemisphere, according to International Monetary Fund forecasts.
On the geopolitical side of the ledger, India is central to a complex mosaic of alliances being forged to counter aggressive » Wolf Warrior Diplomacy» of Beijing.
Xi Jinping and Modi at the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in 2018: New Delhi and the West have a common interest in containing the rise of China Photo: REUTERS
New Delhi and the West have a common interest in limiting or at least containing the rise of China , so that President Xi Jinping does not end up holding all the cards. In this context, «the West» still predominantly means the United States. But Britain has traditionally been a good way to reach Americans, whose attention is widespread.
The UK is keen to follow the lead of the US and France in signing new defense agreements with India, which will lead to further cooperation in the sharing of military technology. This is a smart path to the heart of New Delhi, as it will help strengthen land and sea defenses against China while developing the local supply chain and reducing dependence on Russian weapons.
Foreign Secretary James Cleverley is believed to speak with Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, India's foreign minister, more often than any of his other colleagues except Antony Blinken, the US secretary of state. But Britain's relationship with India is, of course, complicated by history. One of the ways in which the Modi government's Hindu nationalism is manifesting itself is by erasing the last vestiges of India's colonial past.
Свежие комментарии